Sunday, January 22, 2006

NYTImes:Strained by Needs, a Community Withdraws Its Helping Hands

By ROBERT DAVID ZELIGER
Published: January 22, 2006

When Henry Calderon looks down 116th Street between Lexington and Third Avenues, he sees a tuxedo store, a dental center, a nail salon, two banks, and sidewalk vendors hawking tamales and jewelry. The scene is strikingly different from the boarded-up shops and crime-ridden pockets of just a few years back.

But Mr. Calderon, who is president of the East Harlem Chamber of Commerce, fears that the arrival of an H.I.V./AIDS center on the block could sharply alter its character. The 14,000-square-foot center, which is set to open in April above a Washington Mutual bank branch, would provide counseling, medical treatment and other help to 150 people, many of them former and current drug addicts. The site was chosen by Harlem United, a nonprofit group that helps people with AIDS.

"This will set us back 30 years," Mr. Calderon said, predicting that crime rates would rise and that businesses would suffer. Community Board 11 has passed a resolution opposing the center, and Assemblyman Adam Clayton Powell IV has said that although he supports the goals of Harlem United, he does not support its choice of a location.

Many East Harlemites note that their neighborhood has more "special needs" facilities, a category that includes H.I.V./AIDS centers and methadone clinics, than any other area in Manhattan.

Patrick McGovern, executive director of Harlem United, defended his center, noting that people had similar fears about crime and business losses at a similar center his group operates in West Harlem. "But we allayed them over time," he said.

According to city health data, about 2.5 percent of the 108,000 residents in East Harlem have H.I.V., the virus that causes AIDS; that incidence, higher than in any Manhattan neighborhood but Chelsea, makes the center highly useful for local residents, Mr. McGovern said.

But merchants and others note that the center's clientele will not be limited to local residents. They say they fear that 116th Street, East Harlem's main commercial artery, will be swarmed by addicts.

Residents also point to data that they say proves East Harlem is overburdened by the "special needs" facilities. According to the Urban Technical Assistance Project at Columbia University, Community District 11 in East Harlem has 135 such centers, far more than any other Manhattan district. In second place is Community District 3 on the Lower East Side, which has 98 facilities.

Local residents also accused Mr. McGovern of rushing his plans past them. "They didn't go to a community planning board meeting to get our input," Mr. Calderon said. "We didn't find out about it until construction started."

In response, Mr. McGovern said: "We've been fully transparent about our goals." And he added, "They are not interested in the facts."

As these exchanges suggest, the road ahead for the center may be rocky. "There are going to be problems," Mr. Powell said. "There are going to be lawsuits. There are going to be demonstrations every single day in front of the entrance, which doesn't really help their clients or their purpose."

Thursday, January 19, 2006

Eat at Your Own risk: East Harlem's Dirtiest

According the Department of Heath( these are some of East Harlem's Dirtiest places to eat.
(http://63.106.144.9:8080/RI/web/index.do?method=goldenAppleList)

The Worst!
CARIBEAN CUISINE & FOODS ITEMS
166 EAST 118 STREET, Manhattan 10035

2nd KINGS CHEF
587 LENOX AVENUE, Manhattan 1003

3rd KERRIANN NICE &SPICY
62 EAST 125 STREET, Manhattan 10035

4th J &S PIZZA
2032 LEXINGTON AVENUE, Manhattan 10035

5th LA CASA DE LOS TACOS
2277 1 AVENUE, Manhattan 10035

Wednesday, October 12, 2005

Obesity In East Harlem Compared To The Upper East Side

Obesity In East Harlem Compared To The Upper East Side

There is another face now visible among those living in poverty: obesity.

Contrary to popular belief, obesity is not a sign of affluence, but rather an indicator of poverty, as the study, "Hunger and Obesity in East Harlem" by J.C. Dwyer makes clear. The other report released by the New York City Coalition Against Hunger in September, Dwyer compares conditions between East Harlem and the Upper East Side, two neighborhoods divided by 96th Street that provide a stark contrast, representing the highest and lowest figures in poverty and obesity.

In East Harlem, 38 percent of children are born into poverty; on the Upper East Side, just five percent. East Harlem has the highest incidence of obesity and diabetes in the City; the Upper East Side has the lowest.

Dwyer outlines the link between obesity and hunger clearly and simply: it is about choice and control. People who have more choices and more control over what they consume have lower obesity and poverty rates and healthier eating.

The Upper East Side has more supermarkets which afford residents more nutritious choices. East Harlem has more bodegas, fast food restaurants, and emergency food programs.

Emergency food programs themselves can be part of the problem, dependent as they often are on donations from food banks. Many food banks receive corporate products that failed their target marketing and are not selling--a new line of crackers perhaps. They may be plentiful, but not necessarily nutritious.

Dwyer makes the point that even the large funders contribute to the problem, concerned as they are with short term solutions like funding food pantries, but doing little to ensure that nutritious foods are offered in these programs. "Funders are still stuck in the emergency food mentality," said Dwyer. "But a lot of people aren¹t relying on the pantries and soup kitchens for emergency food only. This is about long-term hunger."

And the cash strapped food pantries, some existing on a budget as low as $17,400 a year, cannot afford to purchase more expensive nutritious items like produce. Bodega owners, too, are often caught in the market forces that make it impossible for them to offer affordable fresh produce.


Wednesday, September 28, 2005

Fundraiser to keep East Harlem Development Program/Applause Open

Fundraiser to keep
East Harlem Development Program / Applause open!

Friday, September 30th
Julia de Burgos Cultural Center
Lexington Ave. at 106 St.

4pm-Midnight
-Quite Auction
-Live entertainment
-Dancing
-Food and Beverages sold on premises

Contribution $25 adv. $20

Info: 212-427-3810 / 212-810-0492

Wednesday, September 21, 2005

The Circus is coming to Town..!!!

From November 1st to November17 th HVasquez Circus will be performing at the Harlem River Ball Park. This circus orginates from Mexico City and has made East Harlem its destination in New York. The Circus has promised to make tfree tickets available to the community. Ticket Prices will range from 35-50$.

Poetas Con Cafe

Hope Community continues its dedication to Poetry with its Poetas con Cafe series. This Saturday 9/24/05 from 2pm-4pm at the Modesto flores Garden on Lexington Ave between East 104- and East 105th .
Papoleto Melendez and Frank Perez are the feature poets.
No cover and I believe the coffee and food are still free.

Tuesday, September 20, 2005

Army Recruitment Targets Latinos....Duh!!!!...

The War for Latinos
by ROBERTO LOVATO
[from the October 3, 2005 issue]
Jessica Sanchez poses an urgent threat to the US military. For a Pentagon stretched by stagnating enlistments and an Administration bent on waging a "global war on terror," the question of whether this four-foot-eleven Mexican-born legal resident and others like her will decide to join the military has enormous geopolitical implications.
The Pentagon is spending hundreds of millions of dollars to find out whatever it can about Sanchez and other young Latinos: what they wear, where they hang out, what kinds of groups they form, what they read, what they watch on TV, their grades, their dreams. Members of the military's numerous and well-funded recruiting commands use sophisticated Geographic Information Systems maps, souped-up recruiting Hummers and other resources to establish strategic positions in the minds, pocketbooks and neighborhoods of young Latinos like Sanchez.
Recruiters are devising new and often unexpected ways to penetrate daily Latino life. "I went to a birthday celebration at Chuck E. Cheese's," says Sanchez, a 25-year-old single mom from San Marcos, California, just outside San Diego. "We were watching a puppet show when all of a sudden a military song is playing in the background. I thought that was weird but kept watching. A couple of minutes later, all of us were looking at pictures on a TV screen of people in the Army giving food and supplies to kids in Iraq. My friends and I thought that was really weird--and got out."
\r\nThe bad news for Pentagon planners is not just Sanchez\'s negative reaction to the puppet show, or even her eventual decision not to join the Navy. It\'s that she and other Latinos who are rejecting the military\'s overtures are turning around and organizing a grassroots movement against recruitment in their community. \r\nFrom the northernmost corner of Washington State to the southernmost beaches of south Florida, veteran Latino counterrecruiters and younger activistas are facing off against thousands of military recruiters in a battle that will determine whether Latino youth continue echoing the "Yo soy el Army" and other Pentagon PR slogans or instead adopt the "Yo estoy en contra del Army" slogan taken up by Sanchez. The counterrecruitment movement, spearheaded by scores of Latinos in Chicago, El Paso, Tucson and other cities, suburbs and rural communities, is largely occurring beneath the radar of the mostly white antiwar movement, despite its potential to alter the course of Iraq and future US wars. \r\n"Latinos are very important to the national security of the United States," says Larry Korb, former Assistant Secretary of Defense for Manpower, Reserve Affairs, Installations and Logistics in the Reagan Administration Defense Department, where he administered about 70 percent of the largest line items in the federal budget. "A decrease in Latino enlistment numbers would make things very difficult for the armed forces, because they are the fastest-growing [minority] group in the country and they have a very distinguished record of service in the military. If I were Donald Rumsfeld, I would be very worried about the possibility of decreasing Latino numbers. I\'d be thinking about how to make do with smaller numbers of troops or with further lowering standards for aptitude, age, education and other factors." \r\nThe centrality of Latinos to the military enterprise can be seen in statements by Pentagon officials like John McLaurin, Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Army for Human Resources, who stated that in order to meet recruitment goals, Latino enlistments must grow to 22 percent by the year 2025, when one in four Americans will be Latino. Two factors add to the urgency. One is that while Latinos make up only 13 percent of the active-duty forces, they also make up a fast-growing 16 percent of the 17- to 21-year-old population. In the eyes of Pentagon planners, this rapidly growing, relatively poor population is prime recruiting material. Latinos already in the military are concentrated in the low ranks of the Marines and the Army, serving in the high-casualty, high-risk jobs of front-line troops urgently needed in Iraq. The second factor driving the Latinization of the Pentagon\'s \r\nrecruitment strategy is the decrease in African-American and women recruits. Since 2000 the percentage of African-American recruits has dropped from ",1]
);
//-->

The bad news for Pentagon planners is not just Sanchez's negative reaction to the puppet show, or even her eventual decision not to join the Navy. It's that she and other Latinos who are rejecting the military's overtures are turning around and organizing a grassroots movement against recruitment in their community.
From the northernmost corner of Washington State to the southernmost beaches of south Florida, veteran Latino counterrecruiters and younger activistas are facing off against thousands of military recruiters in a battle that will determine whether Latino youth continue echoing the "Yo soy el Army" and other Pentagon PR slogans or instead adopt the "Yo estoy en contra del Army" slogan taken up by Sanchez. The counterrecruitment movement, spearheaded by scores of Latinos in Chicago, El Paso, Tucson and other cities, suburbs and rural communities, is largely occurring beneath the radar of the mostly white antiwar movement, despite its potential to alter the course of Iraq and future US wars.
"Latinos are very important to the national security of the United States," says Larry Korb, former Assistant Secretary of Defense for Manpower, Reserve Affairs, Installations and Logistics in the Reagan Administration Defense Department, where he administered about 70 percent of the largest line items in the federal budget. "A decrease in Latino enlistment numbers would make things very difficult for the armed forces, because they are the fastest-growing [minority] group in the country and they have a very distinguished record of service in the military. If I were Donald Rumsfeld, I would be very worried about the possibility of decreasing Latino numbers. I'd be thinking about how to make do with smaller numbers of troops or with further lowering standards for aptitude, age, education and other factors."
The centrality of Latinos to the military enterprise can be seen in statements by Pentagon officials like John McLaurin, Deputy Assistant Secretary of the Army for Human Resources, who stated that in order to meet recruitment goals, Latino enlistments must grow to 22 percent by the year 2025, when one in four Americans will be Latino. Two factors add to the urgency. One is that while Latinos make up only 13 percent of the active-duty forces, they also make up a fast-growing 16 percent of the 17- to 21-year-old population. In the eyes of Pentagon planners, this rapidly growing, relatively poor population is prime recruiting material. Latinos already in the military are concentrated in the low ranks of the Marines and the Army, serving in the high-casualty, high-risk jobs of front-line troops urgently needed in Iraq. The second factor driving the Latinization of the Pentagon's recruitment strategy is the decrease in African-American and women recruits. Since 2000 the percentage of African-American recruits has dropped from
\r\nAnd some preliminary indicators show that the Pentagon\'s efforts are paying off. Latino enlistment increased from 10.4 percent of new recruits in 2000 to 13 percent in 2004. According to University of Maryland military sociologist David Segal, however, the jury is still out on whether the Latino enlistment campaign will solve the Defense Department\'s recruitment problem in the mid to long term. A drop in Latino numbers could, Segal says, "plunge the military into an even deeper crisis. They will have to learn how to better recruit whites." He adds that "when antiwar efforts focus on recruitment, they\'re denying recruiters major access they desperately need." \r\nThe Bush adventure in Iraq has done much to foster anti-recruitment sentiment and create the "Latino unity" activists have dreamed of for decades. Beyond the anonymous, individualistic rejection of the war measured in recent polls of Latinos, a more vocal and active rejection of war and recruitment is taking hold on the ground, tapping into several currents of Latino political tradition. Vietnam veteran and University of San Diego professor Jorge Mariscal is among those working feverishly to cut Pentagon strings they feel yank young Latinos further and further into imperial entanglements. "We are trying to show the historical continuity of Latino protest against the exploitation of other Latinos in US wars of aggression," says Mariscal, considered by many to be the dean of Latino counterrecruitment efforts. \r\nOn this past August 29, Mariscal\'s organization, the Project on Youth and Non-Military Opportunities (YANO), and dozens of other Latino groups launched a campaign to educate Latino parents and students about military recruitment in schools. A main focus was simply informing people that the No Child Left Behind Act, which allows recruiters access to student contact information, also contains an opt-out provision. The organizers chose to launch the campaign on August 29 because it was the anniversary of the Chicano Moratorium of 1970--the largest, most radical Latino antiwar, antirecruitment mobilization in US history. The campaign draws strength from the antimilitaristic traditions of US-born Latinos (especially Mexican-Americans and Puerto Ricans) as well as from the anti-militarismo traditions of more recent Latin American immigrants from such countries as El Salvador and the Dominican Republic. ",1]
);
//-->
23.5 percent to less than 14 percent, thanks to the widespread disaffection with the Iraq War--and good organizing--among parents and students in the black community.
And some preliminary indicators show that the Pentagon's efforts are paying off. Latino enlistment increased from 10.4 percent of new recruits in 2000 to 13 percent in 2004. According to University of Maryland military sociologist David Segal, however, the jury is still out on whether the Latino enlistment campaign will solve the Defense Department's recruitment problem in the mid to long term. A drop in Latino numbers could, Segal says, "plunge the military into an even deeper crisis. They will have to learn how to better recruit whites." He adds that "when antiwar efforts focus on recruitment, they're denying recruiters major access they desperately need."
The Bush adventure in Iraq has done much to foster anti-recruitment sentiment and create the "Latino unity" activists have dreamed of for decades. Beyond the anonymous, individualistic rejection of the war measured in recent polls of Latinos, a more vocal and active rejection of war and recruitment is taking hold on the ground, tapping into several currents of Latino political tradition. Vietnam veteran and University of San Diego professor Jorge Mariscal is among those working feverishly to cut Pentagon strings they feel yank young Latinos further and further into imperial entanglements. "We are trying to show the historical continuity of Latino protest against the exploitation of other Latinos in US wars of aggression," says Mariscal, considered by many to be the dean of Latino counterrecruitment efforts.
On this past August 29, Mariscal's organization, the Project on Youth and Non-Military Opportunities (YANO), and dozens of other Latino groups launched a campaign to educate Latino parents and students about military recruitment in schools. A main focus was simply informing people that the No Child Left Behind Act, which allows recruiters access to student contact information, also contains an opt-out provision. The organizers chose to launch the campaign on August 29 because it was the anniversary of the Chicano Moratorium of 1970--the largest, most radical Latino antiwar, antirecruitment mobilization in US history. The campaign draws strength from the antimilitaristic traditions of US-born Latinos (especially Mexican-Americans and Puerto Ricans) as well as from the anti-militarismo traditions of more recent Latin American immigrants from such countries as El Salvador and the Dominican Republic.
\r\nWhile the war for young Latino hearts rages in all corners of the country, the strategic theater of battle for Latino bodies remains the Southwest, especially Southern California. A 2001 study by the US Army Recruiting Command (USAREC), for example, defined Los Angeles, the rest of Southern California, Phoenix and Sacramento as its top markets for Latino recruits. But California has also become the de facto heart of the nascent movement among US Latinos. Animating it is Fernando Suarez del Solar, a former student activist in Mexico who now lives in Escondido, California. Del Solar traces his struggle against the military to the moment he witnessed Mexican military personnel "push their bayonets into young men--and women" during a 1972 protest in the Zocalo, the central square of Mexico City. "That was my first encounter with militarismo." \r\nThree decades later Del Solar took another, sharper turn against militarismo after his son, Jesus, a marine, died in Iraq in 2003. Since then, his denunciation of the "lies and half-truths" recruiters use on kids like Jesus has been unceasing. Because he can\'t shake images of how his then-13-year-old boy was first "seduced" by the trinkets, posters and ideas given to him by recruiters at a mall in National City, Del Solar works to educate other parents and students about recruitment and war. \r\nBemoaning the "lack of leadership among Latinos at the national level," Del Solar and others in the Latino counterrecruitment movement complain that national advocacy groups like the League of United Latin American Citizens and the National Council of La Raza are not only silent but complicit in finding fresh Latino bodies to feed the war machine. LULAC and NCLR do accept sponsorships from and provide forums for Pentagon promotion at some of their national conferences and local events. In their determination to meet what recruiting handbooks call "influencers," Marine, Army and other Defense Department personnel can be seen at LULAC and NCLR events either glad-handing or manning the recruitment Hummers, chin-up challenges, inflatable obstacle courses and other props in front of their trinket-stuffed information booths. To fill the void, Del Solar\'s organization, Guerrero Azteca, and \r\nMariscal\'s group, YANO, have joined forces. They plan to convene a national meeting of Latino counterrecruitment organizations and leaders to connect the numerous efforts springing up across the country. ",1]
);
//-->

While the war for young Latino hearts rages in all corners of the country, the strategic theater of battle for Latino bodies remains the Southwest, especially Southern California. A 2001 study by the US Army Recruiting Command (USAREC), for example, defined Los Angeles, the rest of Southern California, Phoenix and Sacramento as its top markets for Latino recruits. But California has also become the de facto heart of the nascent movement among US Latinos. Animating it is Fernando Suarez del Solar, a former student activist in Mexico who now lives in Escondido, California. Del Solar traces his struggle against the military to the moment he witnessed Mexican military personnel "push their bayonets into young men--and women" during a 1972 protest in the Zocalo, the central square of Mexico City. "That was my first encounter with militarismo."
Three decades later Del Solar took another, sharper turn against militarismo after his son, Jesus, a marine, died in Iraq in 2003. Since then, his denunciation of the "lies and half-truths" recruiters use on kids like Jesus has been unceasing. Because he can't shake images of how his then-13-year-old boy was first "seduced" by the trinkets, posters and ideas given to him by recruiters at a mall in National City, Del Solar works to educate other parents and students about recruitment and war.
Bemoaning the "lack of leadership among Latinos at the national level," Del Solar and others in the Latino counterrecruitment movement complain that national advocacy groups like the League of United Latin American Citizens and the National Council of La Raza are not only silent but complicit in finding fresh Latino bodies to feed the war machine. LULAC and NCLR do accept sponsorships from and provide forums for Pentagon promotion at some of their national conferences and local events. In their determination to meet what recruiting handbooks call "influencers," Marine, Army and other Defense Department personnel can be seen at LULAC and NCLR events either glad-handing or manning the recruitment Hummers, chin-up challenges, inflatable obstacle courses and other props in front of their trinket-stuffed information booths. To fill the void, Del Solar's organization, Guerrero Azteca, and Mariscal's group, YANO, have joined forces. They plan to convene a national meeting of Latino counterrecruitment organizations and leaders to connect the numerous efforts springing up across the country.
\r\nBut the forces of counterrecruitment face an armada of military recruitment organizations backed by the best civilian, corporate and community alliances our tax dollars can buy. Continuing the Latino recruitment focus that started with the Clinton Administration\'s Hispanic Access Initiative, the Pentagon has invested hundreds of millions of dollars to turn poor Latino neighborhoods and decrepit, Latino-heavy schools into soldier factories. Last year alone USAREC deployed five brigades, forty-one battalions, 5,648 recruiters and 1,690 recruiting stations. The military won\'t reveal what share of its recruitment resources is being targeted at Latinos, but it\'s clearly substantial. For Hispanic Heritage month, the Army is highlighting Hispanic soldiers in a massive ad campaign and a Congressional Medal of Honor tour of high schools across the country. \r\nIn Puerto Rico counterrecruiters have fanned out to all 200 of the island\'s high schools to deliver the antimilitaristic and opt-out messages to thousands of students there. "We are picketing recruitment offices and asking Puerto Rico\'s Department of Education to give us \'equal time\' or \'equal access\' so that we can go to the schools to talk to the students against military recruitment," says Jorge Colon, spokesperson for the Coalici�n Ciudadana en Contra del Militarismo (Citizen\'s Coalition Against Militarism), a broad-based network of labor, parent, teacher, student and other groups. Like Mariscal, Colon and other Puerto Ricans link current counterrecruitment efforts to antimilitaristic traditions; much of the energy and momentum of the successful movement to rid the island of Vieques of bombing and other military exercises has been transferred to the counterrecruitment effort. \r\nIn the northernmost corner of Washington State, Rosalinda Guillen is also drawing on tradition to combat what she sees as deception in the farmlands of Skagit and Whatcom counties, where recruiters are seeking to harvest new recruits among the Oaxacan and Chiapanecan Indians and Mexican, Salvadoran and Nicaraguan immigrants working the fields. Guillen, a former leader in the United Farm Workers, returned to her hometown to fight for Latino rights, including the right of youth to decline military service. "Recruiters are going into high schools. They\'re going after our young people and new immigrants," says Guillen, whose organization translates opt-out materials, does educational work and plans larger strategy to fight Latino recruitment. ",1]
);
//-->

But the forces of counterrecruitment face an armada of military recruitment organizations backed by the best civilian, corporate and community alliances our tax dollars can buy. Continuing the Latino recruitment focus that started with the Clinton Administration's Hispanic Access Initiative, the Pentagon has invested hundreds of millions of dollars to turn poor Latino neighborhoods and decrepit, Latino-heavy schools into soldier factories. Last year alone USAREC deployed five brigades, forty-one battalions, 5,648 recruiters and 1,690 recruiting stations. The military won't reveal what share of its recruitment resources is being targeted at Latinos, but it's clearly substantial. For Hispanic Heritage month, the Army is highlighting Hispanic soldiers in a massive ad campaign and a Congressional Medal of Honor tour of high schools across the country.
In Puerto Rico counterrecruiters have fanned out to all 200 of the island's high schools to deliver the antimilitaristic and opt-out messages to thousands of students there. "We are picketing recruitment offices and asking Puerto Rico's Department of Education to give us 'equal time' or 'equal access' so that we can go to the schools to talk to the students against military recruitment," says Jorge Colon, spokesperson for the Coalici�n Ciudadana en Contra del Militarismo (Citizen's Coalition Against Militarism), a broad-based network of labor, parent, teacher, student and other groups. Like Mariscal, Colon and other Puerto Ricans link current counterrecruitment efforts to antimilitaristic traditions; much of the energy and momentum of the successful movement to rid the island of Vieques of bombing and other military exercises has been transferred to the counterrecruitment effort.
In the northernmost corner of Washington State, Rosalinda Guillen is also drawing on tradition to combat what she sees as deception in the farmlands of Skagit and Whatcom counties, where recruiters are seeking to harvest new recruits among the Oaxacan and Chiapanecan Indians and Mexican, Salvadoran and Nicaraguan immigrants working the fields. Guillen, a former leader in the United Farm Workers, returned to her hometown to fight for Latino rights, including the right of youth to decline military service. "Recruiters are going into high schools. They're going after our young people and new immigrants," says Guillen, whose organization translates opt-out materials, does educational work and plans larger strategy to fight Latino recruitment.
\r\nLike many Latinos I spoke with, Guillen has one message for the larger progressive community, especially those fighting the war and recruitment: "White-led social justice programs and organizations need to do something. They need to make broader strokes to make sure they include Latinos, and they\'re not right now. All they need to do is help bring the resources and we can do the work like we always have."
Like many Latinos I spoke with, Guillen has one message for the larger progressive community, especially those fighting the war and recruitment: "White-led social justice programs and organizations need to do something. They need to make broader strokes to make sure they include Latinos, and they're not right now. All they need to do is help bring the resources and we can do the work like we always have."

Housing Oppertunities in East Harlem

Address
333 and 342 East 119th Street New York, NY
Managing Agent
The Palm/RioP.O. Box 610523Bayside, New York 11361(212) 348-1261
Total Units(including superintendent's unit)
111
Initial Sales Price
**
Status
Construction completion expected October 2005. Contact managing agent regarding availability.

Project: Olga Mendez Apartments
Address
1652 Park Avenue & 91 East 116th StreetHarlem

Managing Agent
Cornell Pace, Inc.P.O. Box 949Yonkers, NY 10704

No. of Units
66

Average Estimated Initial Rents
1 BDR - 3 BDR $660 - $920

Status
Construction completion expected May 2005. Application process complete. Contact the managing agent at the above address for information on apartment availability.

DHCR Public Hearing

The State of New York will conduct public hearings to obtain citizencomments on New York State's draft Consolidated Plan which covers thefollowing four federal housing programs: the Community Development BlockGrant Small Cities Program; the HOME Investment Partnership Program; theHousing Opportunities for Persons with AIDS Program; and the EmergencyShelter Grants Program.The public hearings will be held during a comment period, beginningSeptember 19, 2005 and ending October 18, 2005 and will be held at allfour the DHCR Offices listed on each of the following dates & times: Tuesday, September 20, 2005 - 1:30 pm - 3:30 pm Thursday, September 22, 2005 - 10:00 am - Noon Tuesday, September 27, 2005 -- 1:00 pm - 3:00 pmNYS DHCR NYS DHCRHampton Plaza Ballroom A&E Conference Room 642, 6th fl38-40 State Street 25 Beaver StreetAlbany, NY 12207 New York, NY 10004NYS DHCR NYS DHCR
Suite 600 - 6th Floor 2nd Floor - Wing D107 Delaware Avenue 800 South Wilbur AvenueBuffalo, NY 14202 Syracuse, NY 13204If needed, more time will be made available at each public hearing.Accommodations for persons with disabilities will be made available atthepublic hearings upon request. Interpreters will also be available uponrequest to meet the needs of non-English speaking persons. Individualswho seek additional information regarding the hearings may call DHCR\'stoll-free number, 1-866-ASK-DHCR (275-3427).Space may be limited in some locations: persons planning to attend ahearing must pre-register by calling 1-866-ASK-DHCR (275-3427) orsendingan e-mail to DHCRConPln@dhcr.state.ny.us. Speakers will be limited tofive (5) minutes of testimony. Attendees must present a driver\'slicenseor other government-issued photo ID upon entry.All speakers are urged to provide a written copy of their testimony.Individuals who are unable to attend may submit comments to NYS DHCR,Attention: Brian McCarthy, 38-40 State Street, Albany, NY 12207, ore-mailthem to DHCRConPln@dhcr.state.ny.us. Written comments must bepostmarkedno later than October 18, 2005.

Sunday, September 18, 2005

Hugo Chavez a threat to Democracy

Well this might be a little of the East Harlem topic. But there was allot of Latino leadership at the Chavez speech at the United Methodist Church at 86th and West end Ave, and I believe there is an important lesson to be learned. I had the benefit of going to hear Hugo Chavez speak last night. I was invited b several friends to hear Chavez speak and make my own mind up on the man. Well the verdict is in Hugo Chavez; President of Venezuela is a threat to democracy. But not the way the Conservatives in the country, the corporate interests or the Bush Administration would have him be.
Hugo Chavez is a threat to true democracy, because he is a Populist Demagogue. I believe that one of the most dangerous types of public figures is the Populist Demagogue. The Populist Demagogue appeals to the people, usually the poor and under represented, and offer them easy, quick solutions to their problems. They point to the issues of hunger, racism, social injustice and economic inequality and tell the people that there is an easy solution but that the "system", Admistration or whatever other group or term they want use isn’t going to solve these real issues. Like all good lies there is a germ of truth to their solutions, a good lie has enough truth to make it sound real, to make it feel possible, to make it feel like the better world of tomorrow is just over the next hill.
Chavez is a charismatic speaker, and like all true charismatic, his use of symbolism, romantic archetypes and emotion were present. This to me is very dangerous. He referred several times over as to his passion for his people, his passion for Latin America, his passion for social justice. Well the most heinous crimes committed are usually crimes of passion.
Now, I agree with many of the issues Chavez expounded on, but he offered no real solutions, no true concrete plan of action. There was nothing to of substance, but there was a lot of exciting rhetoric.
I am concerned that Jesse Jackson and Congressman Serrano were endorsing this man. Serrano had the good sense to leave early. I am concerned that there still remains a vacuum in the Latino leadership in the US and on the international scene. We don’t need leaders who wrap themselves in the imagery of George Washington; we need leadership that will embody, Thomas Jefferson.

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